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Politics • Education • Writing
No, the 14th Amendment Can’t Disqualify Trump
August 14, 2023

Several academics—including members of the conservative Federalist Society— are now arguing that Section 3 of the 14th Amendment prohibits Donald Trump from becoming president. They focus on the language that prohibits anyone who “shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion… or given aid or comfort to the enemies thereof” from holding “any office.” The amendment provides no mechanism for determining whether a candidate falls within this disqualification, though it says that “Congress may by a vote of two-thirds of each house, remove such disability.” Significantly, the text does not authorize Congress—or any other body or individual—to impose the disqualification in the first place.

A fair reading of the text and history of the 14th Amendment makes it relatively clear, however, that the disability provision was intended to apply to those who served the Confederacy during the Civil War. It wasn’t intended as a general provision empowering one party to disqualify the leading candidate of the other party in any future elections.

First, the text. Section 4 of the 14th amendment provides the following: “But neither the United States nor any State shall assume or pay any debt or obligation incurred in aid of insurrection or rebellion against the United States, or any claim for the loss or emancipation of any slave.”  It seems clear that this provision was intended to apply to a particular insurrection and rebellion—namely the Civil War that resulted in the “emancipation“ of enslaved people. There were no slaves to be emancipated in the United States after that war.

Moreover, the absence of any mechanism, procedure or criteria for determining whether a candidate is disqualified demonstrates that the amendment did not lay down a general rule for future elections involving candidates who were not part of the Confederacy. It was fairly evident who participated in the Civil War on the part of the South. No formal mechanism was needed for making that obvious determination. If the disqualification had been intended as a general rule applicable to all future elections, it would have been essential to designate the appropriate decision maker, the procedures and the criteria for making so important a decision.

In the absence of any such designation, it would be possible for individual states to disqualify a candidate, while others qualify him. It would also be possible for the incumbent president to seek to disqualify his rival, or for a partisan congress to do so. There is no explicit provision for the courts to intervene in what they might regard as a political question. So elections might be conducted with differing interpretations of eligibility and no procedures for resolving disputes about them. It is absolutely certain that if Trump were disqualified by some person or institution dominated by Democrats, and if the controversy were not resolved by the Supreme Court, there would be a constitutional crisis.

Finally, there is the hypocrisy of some who argued in defense of race-specific affirmative action that the equal protection clause of the 14th Amendment should be interpreted in light of its post-Civil War history to protect only previously enslaved people and their descendants, rather than members of the white majority. They would interpret the equal protection clause narrowly and limited by its immediate history, while interpreting the disqualification clause broadly to apply to all candidates in all elections. A fair reading of the amendment leads to the opposite conclusion: the broad language of section 2 of the equal protection clause (“nor shall any state… deny any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws”) strongly suggest general application without being time-bound; whereas the more specific language of sections 3 and 4 (referring to emancipated slaves and using words that were commonly used to describe the confederate insurrection and rebellion against the Union) suggests a more time-bound application.

Interpreting this post-Civil War amendment as a general provision for disqualifying candidates who some people may believe participated in what they regard as an insurrection or rebellion—as distinguished from a protest or even a riot—would create yet another divisive weapon in our increasingly partisan war. It would be used by Republicans against candidates who may have supported (gave “aid or comfort” to) riots such as those that followed the killing of George Floyd or other violence-provoking events.

The Constitution articulated limited qualifications for presidential eligibility. Beyond those neutral criteria, the decision should be made by voters, who are free to consider the participation of a candidate in activities with which they disagree. Unless an amendment was clearly intended to further limit these qualifications, the voters are the ones to decide who is to be their president. The vague language of the 14th Amendment falls far short of what should be required for so radical a departure from our electoral process.

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If John Kennedy Schlossberg‘s middle name were Smith, would anyone be voting for him? He’s done nothing to earn any votes. The only thing he’s done is make a fool of himself on social media. He may not be the first nonentity to seek elective office based on nothing more than clicks, but he is the most famous. Or infamous!

I’ve known him casually from Martha’s Vineyard, where he is seen as “Caroline’s spoiled brat kid.” No one takes him seriously.

I once gave him some advice about law school, and then he reciprocated by posting the following about me: “Alan Dershowitz if you can hear me I need your help, I’ve been trying to reach out to you. I’m in deep s­-­-­t, dude. I’m all over the Epstein documents, there’s all sorts of credible evidence. Everyone knows I killed my wife, I’ve got a thousand sexual assault cases against me, I look like a human penis. I’m completely irrelevant and I’ve never had consensual sex … Oh wait, s­-­-­t, that’s you.”

These were of course complete fabrications, as he later admitted to me privately. He tried to apologize — again privately — claiming it was intended as a joke. But it wasn’t funny; it was nasty and libelous.

I could have sued him for defamation and won, but decided instead to write this column, because the best answer to bad speech is good speech and the best response to lies is truth. So here is the truth about Jack the joke. Or Jack the jerk. And why he should never become Jack the nepo congressman.

As far I can tell, he never held a responsible job for very long. He apparently lives off his inheritance. I doubt he makes a living from his nutty social posts that include the following: “True or false: Usha Vance is way hotter than Jackie O” and implying that he’s having a “baby with the Second Lady.”

Trolling RFK Jr., Schlossberg previously wrote a recipe for a Make America Healthy Again “energy ball” cocktail, which he claimed should include: “2 oz of Jew blood (Ashkenazi not Sephardic), 4 cups of male jizz. Baked at 300 degrees until totally dry like your wife,” referring to actress Cheryl Hines.

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Very little of significance. And that is precisely why it was such a bad year. Not for what was done – but for what was not done that could have been done.

1935 was the year that Hitler began in earnest to try to conquer the world. He quietly reintroduced the draft and began to build up the German arms industry, both in clear violation of the Versailles Treaty that ended World War I.

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What could the world have done in 1935 to prevent the catastrophe that happened between 1939 and 1945 – a catastrophe that ended in the death of more than 70 million people, including the genocide of 6 million Jews?

In retrospect it seems logical that Great Britain and France should have demanded enforcement of the Versailles treaty, and when Germany refused to comply they should have taken military action. This would not have been a preemptive war which requires an imminent threat. This would have been a preventive war designed to halt what would likely have been a future existential threat.

Had leaders of France and England engaged in such a preventive war, history would have treated them badly, accusing them of not waiting until the threat was imminent. But waiting until a threat is imminent is often too late to prevent the damage it would do.

Because history is blind and deaf to the future, historians would not have known that a preventive war in 1935 might have saved 70 million lives between 1935 and 1945. It would have taken a bold, courageous and forward-looking leader to have risked his reputation by engaging in a preventive war for which he would be condemned rather than praised. This is especially the case when the immediate damage caused by engaging in a preventive war is far more visible than the future damage prevented by such a war. This reality also makes preventive wars unpopular with voters, who may suffer immediate damage, such as higher prices, from a war that would have prevented far worse future damages that are currently invisible.

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What does the failure to take military action against Nazi Germany in 1935 tell us about the current situation in regard to Iran? That is the difficult conundrum today’s world leaders face.

Iran has declared its intention to destroy Israel, which it calls “the little Satan,” and perhaps the United States, which it calls “the big Satan.” There is no doubt that it has been trying to develop a nuclear arsenal for many years, despite its denials and fatwas. If the United States and Israel were to continue their military attacks against Iran causing the deaths of innocent civilians, we would know about the deaths these attacks would cause. What we would not know is how many deaths were prevented by military actions that completely destroyed Iran’s ability to produce a nuclear arsenal in the near future. Also what we can’t know is whether allowing this regime to survive and to continue trying to develop in secret a nuclear arsenal will eventually cause many more deaths.

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Or will 2026 be the year when action against Iran saved an indeterminate number of lives while those who took the action were criticized rather than credited?

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Pulitzers Give Award to Fake “Journalist” Who They Know Lies

The Pulitzer committee gave a special award to fake journalist Julie Brown for her work on the Epstein matter. The committee knew, because I sent them documentation, that Brown made her career out of lying, exaggerating and failing to report facts that contradict her false narrative.

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I wrote this letter when Brown was first nominated for a Pulitzer Prize in 2019. She was denied the prize back then, presumably because they credited my allegations, which were carefully documented and irrefutable. Now that seven years have passed, the committee apparently felt comfortable in ignoring the documented evidence of her mendacity and false reporting, hoping that no one would remember that she is a liar. I remember. And others should know the truth about her history of false reporting. 

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